ICA18, Day 3: activism, subalterns, more activism, post/colonial imaginations, and cultural symbols

May 27, 2018 § Leave a comment

Activism and Social Media
mamfakinchMamfakinch: From Protest Slogan to Mediated Activism. Annemarie Iddins, Fairfield University. [CN: rape.]
Iddens argues that the digital must be understood as part of a network of different media – the Mamfakinch collective only makes sense as a response to the limitations of the Moroccan media (which combines strong state influence with neoliberal tendencies). Morocco’s uprising, referred to as M20, used “Mamfakinch” (no concessions) as a slogan. Mamfakinch was developed as a citizen media portal, modelled over Nawaat. M20 was largely focused on reform of the existing political system. Protests were mostly planned online. The collective moves effectively between on and offline locations, supporting some campaigns and sparking others. Amina Filali was a 16 year old who swallowed rat poison after marrying her rapist. Protests took place in physical space and online to change the laws, and nearly two years after Filali’s death the laws that allowed rapists to escape prosecution if they married those they’d raped were changed. Mamfakinch was closed in 2014 after attack from a government-backed spyware attack and loss of momentum. Founders started the Association for Digital Rights (ADN), which is still attempting to register as an organisation. What began as an attempt to establish a viable opposition in Morocco has resulted in a restructuring of the norms of how Moroccans interact with power.

The Purchase of Witnessing in Human Rights Activism. Sandra Ristovska, University of Colorado Boulder. Witnessing is often associated with notions of ‘truth-telling’: this paper maps out two different modes of witnessing. Witnessing an event: bearing witness for historical and ethical reasons. Today, we a see a shift towards witnessing for a purpose. This second mode means that witnessing is very much shaped by a sense of strategic framing for a particular audience. If your end-goal is to appeal to a public audience, or a court, the imperatives are different: do you focus on a particular aesthetic, or on making sure that you get key details (such as badge numbers of police, or landmark shots to show where an event takes place). The push towards shaping witnessing towards particular audiences and institutional contexts can constrain, or oven silence, the voices of activists. Activists may feel they can’t let their own passion, or own voice, speak through as they attempt to meet institutional needs to be heard.

Citizen Media and Civic Engagement. Divya C. McMillin, University of Washington – Tacoma. This research examined the conditions that support particular forms of mobilisation and engagement on the ground: how do movements endure, and how do grassroots movements reclaim local spaces. There were two local case studies of grassroots tourism efforts which aim to preserve heritage and promote eco-friendly environments: Anthony’s Kolkata Heritage Tours, and Native Place in Bangalore. McMillin draws on Massey’s understanding of place as not already-existing, but as becoming – place is transformed by use. Indian cities are changing massively, with seven major Indian cities targeted for “megacity” or “smart city” development which makes them sites of urgent struggle for those living there. Using translation as a theoretical framework allows us to understand negotiations within the global economy: a translation of meaning through the opportunities of encounter. The way in which a space is translated into a place of consumption can also work to reclaim places in ways that the government doesn’t facilitate.

Whose Voices Matter? Digital Media Spaces and the Formation of New Publics in the Global South
fanyusuWhat Happens When the Subaltern Speaks?: Worker’s Voice in Post-Socialist China. Bingchun Meng, London School of Economics. It is important to emphasise the class dimension of how we understand the subaltern. Chinese migrant works can be understood as the subaltern (drawing on Sun 2014). The Hukou system divides and discriminates against the rural population. There is a concentration of symbolic resources and an exercise of epistemic violence, with the marginalisation of migrant workers within China. Migrant workers are represented as the other: the looming spectre of social slippage for the children of middle-class urban people, a force for social instability that needs to be contained. Xu Lizhi’s poetry explores the experiences of migrant workers (he committed suicide, working for Foxconn). Fan Yusu’s writing is, however, more well-known within China, and some is available in English translation. She’s in her mid-40s, from rural Hubei, and works in Beijing as a domestic helper. Her writing draws extensively on Chinese literary tradition, and demonstrates a strong egalitarian view. Responses to her writing have included an outpouring of sympathy from the urban middle-class (which positions the subaltern as disadvantaged); warnings from urban elites against mixing literary criteria with moral judgement (seeing the subaltern as uneducated); and criticism of Fan’s writing about her employer (seeing the subaltern as ungrateful). Fan Yusu’s responses to journalists are not always what they expect: for example, she refuses the valuing of intellectual over physical work.

Social Media and Censorship: the Queer Art Exhibition Case in Brazil. Michel Nicolau Netto, State University of Campinas, and Olívia Bandeira, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. [CN: homophobia.] Physical violence cannot be understood if we don’t take into account symbolic violence. As an emblematic example, we see the murder of Marielle Franco, which can be understood as a violent response to seeing the subaltern voice start to be valued. This research looks at the Queermuseum Art Exhibition. After the exhibition opened, a man visited wearing a shirt reading “I’m a sexist, indeed”, and recorded the video calling visitors names such as “perverted” and “pedophile” – he shared this on a right-wing Facebook group (“Free Brazil Movement”). After this was further shared, the Santander bank hosting the exhibition cancelled it. Posts about the exhibition were then shared even more widely: right-wing groups were empowered by their success. Most-shared posts in Brazil are disproportionately those from the right wing. The bank’s actions can be seen as a way of supporting the extension of neoliberalism in Brazil, via the strengthening of right-wing extremism.

Sound Clouds: Listening and Citizenship in Indian Public Culture. Aswin Punathambekar, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
This paper examines the centrality of sound in conveying voice. Sound technologies and practices serve as a vital infrastructure for political culture. The sonic dimensions of the digital turn have received comparatively little attention. This work disagrees with Tung-Hui Hu’s claims that the prehistory of the cloud is one of silences [I may have misunderstood this], focusing on Kolaveri – a song which was widely shared and remixed. Kolaveri became a sonic text that sparked discussion of inequality, violence, and caste.

Selfies as Voice?: Digital Media, Transnational Publics and the Ironic Performance of Selves. Wendy Willems, London School of Economics and Political Science. African digital users are often seen as being on the other side of the digital divide, not contributing to digital culture. This research looks at responses to boastful selfies from a Zimbabwean businessman, Philip Chiyangwa, mostly in Shona and aimed at discussion within the Zimbabwean diaspora (rather than aimed at an external public). There’s an online archive of 3000 images – often playful and ironic selfies and videos exploring the idea of zvirikufaya (“things are fine”). Discussions between diasporic and home-based Zimbabweans played with the history of colonisation, and reinforced or subverted the idea that diasporic Zimbabweans take on demeaning work overseas (for example, a woman in Australia filming herself being served in a cafe by a white man). Willems is keen to situate discussions of the transnational within a particular historical context, and to shift from ‘flowspeak’ to thinking more about mediated encounters. Diasporas can be seen as fundamentally postcolonial, understanding shifts as being responses specifically to the impacts of colonisation (“we are here because you were there” – A. Sivanandan). How do we understand the role of digital media in transnationalising publics?

Digital Constellations: The Individuation of Digital Media and the Assemblage of Female Voices in South Korea. Jaeho Kang, SOAS, University of London. We need to go beyond the limitations of ‘network’ theory, which reduce the social world to ‘actor-constellations’.  One alternative is to understand protests in terms of assemblages of social individuals: non-conscious cognitive assemblages, collective individuation, and the connective action of affect, and non-representative democracy.

In the response, Nick Couldry invited us to think more about the metaphors around sound, including not only the sonic resonance, but also interference. We also need to think about the ways in which the theoretical language that we use reinforces neoliberal values, rather than subverting them.

Hashtag Activism
#BlackLivesMatter and #AliveWhileBlack: A Study of Topical Orientation of Hashtags and Message Content. Chamil Rathnayake, Middlesex University, Jenifer Sunrise Winter, University of Hawaii at Manoa, and Wayne Buente, University of Hawaii at Manoa.The use of hashtags can be seen within the context of collective coping, which can increase resiliency (while not necessarily leading to political change).

The Voices of #MeToo: From Grassroots Activism to a Viral Roar. Carly Michele Gieseler. Tarana Burke’s original goals for the #metoo mission can be seen as largely silenced (or pushed aside) as the roar grew around the hashtag, echoing broader patterns in white feminism. Outrage is selectively deployed – the wall between white women and Black women within feminism isn’t new, but perhaps the digital space can do something to change it. We need to think about the ways in which white feminisms within academia have ignored or appropriate the work of women of colour. Patricia Hill Collins talks about the painstaking process of collecting ideas and experiences of thrown-away Black women, even when these women started the dialogue.

Voice, Domestic Violence, and Digital Activism: Examining Contradictions in Hashtag Feminism. Jasmine Linabary, Danielle Corple, and Cheryl Cooky, Purdue University. This research looks at #WhyIStayed or #WhyILeft within a postfeminist lens, supplementing data gathered online with interviews. This research highlighted the importance of inviting voice (opening spaces for sharing experiences – but with a focus on the individual, which often lead to victim-blaming); multivocality (with openings for a multitude of identities – but this also opened up the conversation for trolling and co-opting); immediacy in action (which allows responses to current events); and the creation of visibility around domestic violence (unfortunately often neglecting broader structural context). Looking at these hashtags with reference to postfeminist contradictions allows both an understanding of how they were important for those participating, but also the limitations in the focus on the individual.

Women’s Voices in the Saudi Arabian Twittersphere. Walaa Bajnaid, Einar Thorsen, and Chindu Sreedharan, Bournemouth University. This research focuses on women’s resistance to the system of male guardianship, asking about how Twitter facilitate cross-gender communication during the campaign. Women’s tweets connected online and offline mobilisation, for example by posting videos of themselves walking in public unaccompanied. Protesters actively tried to keep the hashtag trending, and to gain international attention. Tweets from male opponents attempted to defend the status quo by attempting to derail the campaign, accusing the protesters of being atheists and/or foreign agents trying to destabilise Saudi Arabia. Men frequently seemed hesitant to support the campaign to end male guardianship.

The Mediated Life of Social Movements: The Case of the Women’s March. Katarzyna Elliott-Maksymowicz, Drexel University. This research draws on the literature on new social movement theory, collective identity, and visuality in social movements. Changing dynamics of hashtags and embedded images is a useful way of understanding how the movement changed over time.

Colonial Imaginations, Techno-Oligarchs, and Digital Technology
(The discussion here was interesting and important, but I struggled a bit to take good notes given the flow of the format. Please excuse the especially fragmentary notes gathered under each presenter, as that seemed easier than taking notes following the flow of discussion.)

[Correction: I initially attributed Payal Arora’s excellent prompts to discussion to Radhika Gajjala.]

Discussant: Payal Arora, Erasmus University Rotterdam
We have to remember that colonial theory is buried in different areas, including development discourse. It’s also important that ‘the margins’ aren’t always positive – the extreme right were also once on the margins (though they are being brought to the centre in many places, including Brazil). Is identity politics toxic to our cause, or should we be leveraging aspects of it? When we talk about visibility in the Global South, we largely celebrate it (“They’ve gained visibility! They’re speaking for themselves!”), without recognising the complicated nature of different identities within nations. There’s a lot of talk about data activism and data justice – we need to also look at data resistance. How do we conceptualise resistance in a broader way without moralising it? We also need to think not just about values in design, but also about who the curators of design are (and how they are embedded within particular territorial spaces and power structures). We also need to think about who is operationalising design.

Digital Neo-Colonization: A Perspective From China, Min Jiang, University of North Carolina – Charlotte.
Min Jiang talks about the challenge of working out: is China the colonised, or the coloniser? Looking at the role of large digital companies, we could see Google as colonising China…but also see Chinese companies as having largely replaced Google now, and as colonising Africa. China has its own colonial history. In China today, there’s been so much crackdown on resistance: colleagues in China working in journalism are forbidden for even mentioning the word resistance.

Islamic State’s Digital Warfare and the Global Media System, Marwan M. Kraidy, Annenberg, University of Pennsylvania
North American white supremacists use digital technologies to mess around with spatial perceptions. Social media platforms are working in tandem with all kinds of techniques of spatial control and surveillance. There’s something about the ways in which these platforms claim innocence from the kinds of feelings that they spark, and we shouldn’t release them from responsibility. Kraidy notes the environmental, social, and economic issues tied up in the ways that data works, using data centres that need to be air-conditioned as an example.

Non-Spectacular Politics: Global Social Media and Ideological Formation, Sahana Udupa, LMU Munich
We need to understand not just intersectional oppression, but also nested inequalities, and the ways in which the digital has lead to increased expressions of nationalism. A decolonial approach requires that we recognise the resurgence of previous forms of racism. Is digital media just a tool for discourses of racism and neonationalism that exist outside it? Udupa argues that we should see digital media cultures as inducing effects on users themselves. In India, Facebook is having a huge (but largely invisible) impact on politics. For example, the BJP uses data extensively in crafting particular political narratives.

Decolonial Computing and the Global Politics of Social Media platforms; Wendy Willems, London School of Economics and Political Science.
A decolonial approach means bringing back in structures, and seeing colonisation as fundamental (rather than additive) to processes of identity formation. It resists claims to speak ‘from nowhere’, and helps us to understand the global aspects of platforms. How might we understand the colonisation of digital space by platforms, including the extraction of data? These platforms are positioned as beneficial (‘connecting the unconnected’) – Willems mentions Zuckerberg visiting Africa in shorts and a t-shirt, the image of white innocence this portrays. There’s a challenge around provoking more discussion of these platforms in Africa. There’s a discussion of Internet shut-downs – the state is being seen as the enemy as it shuts down particular services, but we’re not turning the same critical eye on the platforms themselves. She also distinguished between the use of digital media in resistance, and resistance to digital media and datafication itself – there’s been less of the latter. In South Africa, there was #datamustfall in the wake of #RhodesMustFall (focusing on the costs of accessing digital media, rather than contesting platforms themselves). Operators are crucial gatekeepers in accessing the Internet – we need to look at the relationship between operators, platforms, and the state.

Media Representation of Cultural Symbols, Nationalism and Ethnic and Racial Politics
Framing the American Turban: Media Representations of Sikhs, Islamophobia, and Racialized Violence. Srividya Ramasubramanian and Angie Galal, Texas A&M University.
Sikhism is the fifth largest religion in the world. Several waves of Sikh immigration to the US, with various degrees of control. There’s a history of hate crimes against Sikhs in the US, but disaggregated data only began to be collected (by the FBI) in 2015. Anti-Sikh views, and violence, is tied to the othering and dehumanization of Muslims. There’s a long history of negative portrayals of Sikhs (tangled in with Hindus and Muslims) before 9/11. Going on from this research, it’s also important to look at how Sikhs are resisting negative media portrayals. This research located three key moments of rupture in US media portrayals: 9/11, the Wisconsin shootings, and the Muslim Ban/Trump era.

Selfie Nationalism: Twitter, Narendra Modi, and the Making of a Symbolically Hindu/Ethnic Nation. Shakuntala Rao, SUNY, Plattsburgh.
Modi‘s use of Twitter has been seen as particularly strategic, with extensive use of selfies. He always presents himself as someone who can speak to the layperson as “I”. Rao’s methods involve reading, rather than quantifying, tweets, including replies. For example, as soon as Modi starts ‘praying’ online, people upload videos of himself praying. He tweets in seven languages (using local languages when he travels), but mostly a combination of Gujarati, Hindi, and English. He portrays himself as a Hindu god – some people talk about the ‘banalisation of Hindutva’. Part of this is portraying “every Indian” as special. ‘Selfie Nationalism’ has four characteristisc: Modi’s personification of a symbolic self (and driven by him, not others); a rejection of plural religious/cultural narratives of India; a discourse with a short self life driven by optics as in the frequent launch of new policy initiatives (which are then discarded); less concern with media access and more by media use.

Representing the Divine Cow: Indian Media, Cattle Slaughter and Identity Politics Sudeshna Roy, Stephen F. Austin State University. What are discursive strategies used to generate, resist, sustain, or reify discourses of Hindu nationalism surrounding the Divine Cow? Modi has had a lifelong association with the Hindu nationalist organisation RSS. He has been providing the conditions to support the growth of violent identity politics. In 2014, as Gujrat chief minister, he started attacking the beef export industry. In 2017 he instituted a ban against small-time Muslim and low-caste Dalit, leather-workers. Some low-caste Dalit Hindus do eat beef. Roy notes that while we commonly understand culture as private, our common associations and larger context shape how we understand culture. There have been several cases of Hindu mobs murdering Muslim people for (allegedly) eating beef. Newspaper articles on these events frequently refer to the ceremonial, ritual, and religious roles of the cow, including its sanctity and ahimsa (harmlessness); and pastoral Khrishna. There is, however, no monolithic adherence to the sanctity of the cow for Hindus. There’s a forced conflation of private and public culture in the media’s coverage of the symbolic cow. Hindutva is being presented as a way of life.

Do We Truly Belong: Ethnic and Racial Politics of Post-Disaster News Coverage of Puerto Rico. Sumana Chattopadhyay, Marquette University. In surveys, only a very small majority of people in the mainland US knew that Puerto Ricans are American citizens. However, they can’t vote in the national elections, because they’re not represented in the Electoral College. US mainstream media coverage of Hurricane Maria Puerto Rico is like their coverage of foreign countries.


ICA18 Day 2: narrating voice, digital media and the body, feminist theorisation beyond western cultures, collective memory, and voices of freedom and constraint

May 26, 2018 § Leave a comment

Narrating Voice and Building Self on Digital and Social Media
thisislebanon‘This is Lebanon’: Narrating Migrant Labor to Resistive Public. Rayya El Zein, University of Pennsylvania. This research looks at the calling into being of an ideal political subject through social media. ‘This is Lebanon’ is a platform run by a Nepalese immigrant, Dipendra Upetry, where migrant workers have been sharing stories of labour abuses. The Lebanese system for migrant work is particularly conducive to labour abuses, as workers often have a ‘sponsor’ who they may also live with. El Zein is looking at how the voices of labourers affect the political imagination around what it means to be Lebanese. ‘This is Lebanon’ inverts a popular tourism hashtag, #thisislebanon, and when Lebanese citizens complain that “this isn’t Lebanon”, Upetry invites them to change working conditions if they want that to be true. The Kafa campaign, run by a Lebanon NGO in coordination with the International Labour Union, shared a series of ads about a young couple trying to decide what the right thing to do is regarding the person doing domestic work with them, imagining change as coming from educated middle class people who just need guidance. These are ideologically-inflected ideas of politics that position the individual as the mechanism of change.

Instagramming Persian Identity: Ritual Identity Negotiations of Iranians and Persians in/out of Iran. Samira Rajabi, University of Pennsylvania. This research came out of trying to understand why some people refer to themselves as Persians, and others as Iranians. Rajabi looked at how identity is being negotiated on social media, particularly Instagram, which led to exploring particularly the ways in which identity are written on women’s bodies. Many women were part of the Iranian revolution, but they were the first losers after the revolution. Trauma has had a huge impact on how identity is negotiated, and tactical media can be one way to respond to the deep symbolic trauma many people from Iran have experienced.

Hijacking Religion on Facebook. Mona Abdel-Fadil, University of Oslo. This focuses on the Norwegian Cross-Case – a newsreader tried to wear a cross while reading the news, and was told she was in breach of guidelines. There’s a Facebook group: “Yes to wearing the cross whenever I choose”. This is a good case study for understanding identity politics, the role of social media users in amplifying conflicts about religion, modes of performing conflict (and understanding who they are performing to), and the politics of affect. The Facebook group is dominated by conservative Christians who are worried about losing Norway’s Christian heritage; nationalists who see Norwegian identity as inextricably tied to Christianity; humanists (predominantly women) who try to bridge differences; fortified secularists, who argue ferociously, particularly against the nationalists; ardent atheists (predominantly men), who tend to be fan the flames by abusing religious people, then step back. The group is shaped by master narratives that require engagement: that wearing the cross is an act of defiance (often against Muslim attack); that Norwegian cultural heritage is under threat (with compliance from politicians). There’s an intensification and amplification of conflict, including distorting and adding to the original conflict. We need to understand that for some people this is entertainment – an attraction to the tension in the group, and how easy it is to inflame emotions.

Discussion session: Lilie Chouliaraki, in responding, noted the role of trauma and victimhood, inviting speakers to reflect on the role of victimhood and self-victimhood in constituting subjects and identities here. Rajabi noted that trauma requires a different level of response – the stakes are different. But trauma is medicalised, we treat it as something to be dealt with individually rather than politically. Abdel-Fadil is trying to work out how to write from a place of vulnerability about this: how to take the sense of suffering expressed by these people who feel like Christianity or Norwegian identity is under threat seriously, while not necessarily accepting that they are actually victims.

Digital Media and the Body


Drawing from Abigail Selzer King

Towards a theory of projectilic media: Notes on Islamic State’s Deployment of Fire. Marwan M. Kraidy, Annenberg, University of Pennsylvania. Kraidy asks why ISIS uses the symbolism of fire so frequently. There’s a distinction between digital images, operative images (for example, drone footages) that are part of an image; projectilic images (images as weapons); and prophylactic images (which build a sense of safety and security). In ISIS’s symbolism, fire becomes a metaphor for sudden birth and sudden death, for the war machine, and for flames of justice. Speed is essential to the war machine, and to fire. A one-hour ISIS video would have about half an hour of projectilic sequences. ISIS uses a torch as a metaphor for the war machine, and the hearth as a a metaphor for the utopian homeland. Fire activates new connections between words and images. Immolation confuses the customary chronology (for example, of beheading videos).

You Have Been Tagged: Incanting Names and Incarnating Bodies on Social Media. Paul Frosh, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Tagging has become a prevalent technique for circulating images on social media, and serves various purposes for social media platforms (for example, adding more data). Naming and figuration are linked to the life of the self. Names aren’t just linguistic designators – they’re also signifiers of power. Names perform the entanglement of the social subject. Tagging requires a systematic circulation of the name (you must join the platform). Tagging interpolates us as subjects of a particular system, and revitalises the ancient magical power of action at a distance through naming. Tagging is a magical act of germination. Being tagged carries a social weight, prompting us to respond. Tagging sends social signals through others’ images, as opposed to selfies. Tagging goes against the grain of networked selfhood in digital culture, re-centring the body. Tagging is the fleshing out of informational networks.


Selfies as Testimonies of the Flesh. Lilie Chouliaraki, London School of Economics and Political Science. Aesthetic corporeality becomes important when we think about vulnerable bodies. Digital testimonies produced in conflict zones are elements of a broader landscape of violence and suffering. How does the selfie mediate the faces of refugees? What does the remediation of these faces in Western news sites tell us? Three types of images: refugees being photographed to take selfies; refugee selfies with global leaders; celebrities taking photos as if they were refugees. Chouliaraki notes that refugees taking selfies in Lesbos are celebrating not just having arrived, but also having survived the deadliest sea crossing. Refugee selfies are remediated through a series of disembodiments; their faces are, at best, an absent presence, or, at worst, fully absent.

Feminist Theorizations Beyond Western Cultures
Orientalism, Gender, and Media Representation: A Textual Analysis of Afghan Women in US, Afghan, and Chinese Media. Azeta Hatef, Pennsylvania State University and Luwei Rose Luqui, Hong Kong Baptist University. This study looks at media representations of women in Afghanistan, thinking about the purposes these images serve in relation the war on Afghanistan. Media coverage in China is controlled by the government, but soft news is offered a bit more leeway than hard news outlets. Nevertheless, in China mainstream media conveys the same theme: Afghan women oppressed by brown men. Both US and Chinese media portrays Afghanistan as backwards, with women’s freedoms entirely limited. While violence against women in Afghanistan is worthy of attention, but these media representations operate to amplify distinctions between “us” and “them”, justifying intervention (and failing to recognise the violence done by that intervention).

Production of subject of politics through social media: a practice of Iranian women activists. Gilda Seddighi, University of Bergen. This research looked at an Iranian online network of mourning mothers, drawing on Butler’s conceptualization of politicization. There was a group, “Supporters of Mourning Mothers Harstad”, composed mainly of asylum seekers, connected by Facebook and other mechanisms. Motherhood can be seen here as a source of recognition of political subjects across national border. The notion of motherhood was expanded to include children beyond their own. Nevertheless, many women interviewed spoke of their activism as apolitical, and belonging to a particular nation-state was taken for granted.

Subject Transformations: New Media, New Feminist Discourses. Nithila Kanagasabai, Tata Institute of Social Sciences. This research attempts to look at new strands of feminism in India, particularly in smaller towns in Tamil Nadu. Work from urban areas has tended to position Women’s Studies as urban, upper-caste, middle-class, English-speaking, online, and speaking for marginalised groups. Students who Kanagasabai interviewed drew on ‘the feminist canon’ (for example, Virginia Woolf, Shulamith Firestone), but also on little magazines – small local literary magazines in regional dialects of Tamil, which previously circulated predominantly among unemployed, educated men. These magazines have shifted to allow women, Dalits, and people from scheduled tribes to express themselves. Little magazines open space for subjectivity, offering a critique of seemingly universal social norms, including casteism and gender roles. Students interviewed mention these magazines alongside sources like Jstor and Economic and Political Weekly, which speaks to the development of new methodologies. Publishing in little magazines (as opposed to mainstream feminist journals) is seen not just as convenient, but also as a political decision. Moving online did not mean that little magazines transcended the local or temporal – readership remains limited and local, but they are still important spaces. Following feminists online has lead to a deeper everyday engagement with feminist literature. Lurking needs to be viewed within the framework of collaborative learning, and engagement can happen during key moments. Most students didn’t relate to the title of feminism (which they felt required a particular kind of academic competence), but instead related to women’s studies.

Collective Identities and Memories
Collective Memory Matters: Mobilizing Activist Memory in Autonomous Media. Kamilla Petrick, Sandra Jeppesen, Ellen Craig, Cassidy Croft, & Sharmeen Khan, Lakehead University. Unpaid labour within collectives means that institutional memory isn’t actively shared, but instead embodied within long-term members (who may leave).


By Király-Seth – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=42295509

Emergent Voices in Material Memories: Conceptualizing Public Voices of Segregated Memories in Detroit. Scott Mitchell, Wayne State University. An eight-mile wall remains as a visible reminder of the history of segregation in Detroit, also serving as a space of education and hope. The wall was constructed by developers to raise property values for the White area by separating it from Black communities. Grassroots efforts to add a mural have shifted its meaning.


Repertoires, Identities, and Issues of Collective Actions of the Candlelight Movements in S. Korea. Young-Gil Chae, Hankuk University of Foreign Studies and Inho Cho, Hanyang UJaehee Cho, Chung-Ang University.

The Mnemonic Black Hole at Guantánamo: Memory and Counter-Memory Digital Practices on Twitter. Muira McCammon, Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania. Guantánamo is often left off maps: Johann Stein has called it a “legal black hole”. McCammon tried to go to the library at Guantánamo for detainees – being unsuccessful, she tried following the Joint Task Force for Guantánamo on Twitter. McCammon asks what some of the mnemonic strategies used on the Twitter feed are. Only images of higher-up command and celebrities are posted. Traces of Guantánamo as a ‘space of exception’ have been deleted (for example, tweets noting the lack of Internet connection). The official ‘memory maker’, when posting on Twitter, can’t escape others’ memory-making (for example, responses to an official tweet about sexual harassment training at Guantánamo which pointed out the tremendous irony). When studying these issues, there are few systematic ways to track and trace digital military memory makers.

The Voice of Silence: Practices of Participation Among East Jerusalem Palestinians. Maya de Vries, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This research focuses on participation avoidance, for example the boycotting of Facebook over the ways in which it censors Palestinian content, as an active form of resistance. de Vries notes the complexity of power relations in working with Palestinians in East Jerusalem. Interviewees choose not to engage in anything political on Facebook, knowing that it is monitored by the Israeli state. This state monitoring affects their choices around Facebook. There is also kinship monitoring – knowing that family are reading. Self-monitoring also plays a role. One interviewee notes that when she had to put her location down, there was no option for “East Jerusalem, Palestine”. These layers of monitoring mean that Palestinians negotiate their engagement with Facebook cautiously, frequently choosing non-participation.

Voices of Freedom, Voices of Constraint: Race, Citizenship and Public Memory – Then and Now
Selected Research: “The Fire Next Time in the Civil Sphere: Literary Journalism and Justice in America 1963. Kathy Roberts Forde, Associate Professor, Journalism Department, University of Massachusetts-Amherst. After the end of slavery, new systems were put in place to control Black people, and exploit their labour. Black resistance continued, building a vibrant Black public sphere and paving the way for the civil rights movement. James Baldwin wrote that the only thing that White people had that Black people needed was power. White people should not be a model for how to live. White people destroyed, and were destroying, thousands of lives, and did not know it, and did not want to know it. Baldwin’s writing was hugely influential.

Selected Research: Newspaper Wars: Civil Rights and White Resistance in South Carolina, 1935-1965, 2017. Sid Bedingfield, Assistant Professor, Hubbard School of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Minnesota-Twin Cities. Talks about NAACP leader Roy Wilkins’ 1964 opinion piece complaining about Black youth crime. This had parallels with segregationists’ narratives, and Wilkins’ had cordial communications with some segregationists. These narratives stripped away historical context and ongoing oppression when covering Black protests and expressions of anger and frustration.

Selected Research: Framing the Black Panthers: The Spectacular Rise of a Black Power Icon, 2017, 2nd edition; Rebel Media: Adventures in the History of the Black Public Sphere, In Progress; Jane Rhodes, Professor and Department Head, African American Studies, University of Illinois at Chicago. Almost everything Rhodes finds in the discourses of the 1960s is still relevant today in discourses of nationalism and race. Stuart Hall argues that each surge of social anxiety finds a temporary respite in the projection of fears onto compellingly anxiety-laden themes – like moral panics about Black people and other racialised others. US coverage of Britain in the 1960s tended to frame Britain as having issues with race, but an unwillingness to deal with it. Meanwhile, British press seemed to have almost a lurid fascination with racial violence in the US (with an undercurrent of fear for white safety in the US, and subsequently in Britain). Deep-seated anxieties around race and social change aren’t subtle. As Enoch Powell came to power, media seemed to be tangled in debates about whether US or UK racism was worse.

National Identity Schemes

April 1, 2011 § Leave a comment

Governments around the world have been becoming interested in the possibilities that RFID chips and digital information systems open up for creating nationwide databases that gather information on citizens (or residents) across a variety of fields: health, citizenship status, access to services, and so on. Australia’s version of this was the Access Card, which seems to have died a quiet death. Most of these schemes seem to be justified through four frames: streamlining access to government services, tracking citizenship status, controlling crime (particularly ID theft), and combatting terrorism.

India’s version of the scheme is the Universal ID card,  which is currently in the pilot phase. I went to an excellent session on national ID schemes on 21st March, organised by CIS and the Centre for Contemporary Studies. Dr. Ian Brown gave a talk on the UK’s National ID scheme, which was recently scrapped, looking at important questions about the scheme that also need to be raised in the Indian context. In particular, he focused on the government’s stated goals for the project, and the evidence for whether or not the National ID card would actually be an effective way of achieving those goals.

In the case of the UK scheme, even the conservative side of politics was unconvinced that the scheme would be an effective (including cost-effective) way of controlling crime, terrorism, social security fraud, ID theft, or illegal immigration.

Prashant Iyengar’s talk on India’s UID reinforced the concerns that Brown raised about the mismatch between stated goals and evidence. For example, while the UID is being billed as a way to prevent fraud in the access to government services, there’s very little evidence that the biometric cards will actually combat the causes of fraud (which seem to mostly be related to the massive power inequalities between those collecting benefits and those responsible for providing them).

Iyenger also addressed four myths that have been used to justify the UID scheme:

1) Registration is voluntary: it is, but only nominally – people will be able to opt out, but only if they’re willing/able to forgo access to all government services and basic citizenship rights.

2) Privacy is guaranteed: given the number of different agencies and companies who will be involved in the scheme, India’s “very leaky information system” (as Iyengar put it), and the limited penalties for information leaks by service providers, this “guarantee” doesn’t seem worth much.

3) The scheme will collect minimal information: even the minimum specified information (including name, residence, date of birth, and fingerprints) add up. As well as this, registrars (those collecting information) will also have significant discretion to collect more information.

4) The UID cards will only allow service providers to authenticate users’ identities, and will not provide information: there is actually a provision in the scheme by which the UID Authority can allow data sharing through prior written consent. This consent is routinely requested during the UID sign-up process, and it seems that there is also no way to proceed through the process without giving consent.

Given these issues, as well as other concerns that many civil liberties groups have with national ID schemes, considerable opposition to the UID is emerging. I’m not sure how effective it will end up being, but I’m definitely interested in exploring the way in which the issue is being addressed by different researchers and activists here.


March 15, 2011 § 6 Comments

Travelling is always a good reminder of everything that you don’t know about the world, and everything that you take for granted, particularly if you go to a place with quite a different language or culture. In Perth, I don’t think twice about planning a trip across the city on public transport, ordering food, looking up directions online, reading the body language of people around me. In Bangalore, the background information required to do all of these things becomes much clearer to me.

I try to order food, and don’t know: is it table service? Do I pay now, or later? Which things on the menu will I like? Is it polite to smile at the waiter, or make small talk with the cashier?

I walk past the bus stand, and all of the information is in a script I can’t read.

I use Google Maps to try to find my way around, and not only can’t find my current location, but also don’t know the language of the urban geography: how long will it take me to walk a block? Will I see that turnoff, if I walk past it?

When I walk around, people stare at me, and I don’t know if they’re being friendly or impolite or just curious. When I watch my Indian friend buy something at a shop, the discussion seems angry to me, although I know it isn’t – there’s just a different code to body language, and the Australian expectation that people will serve you with a smile (whether they’re happy or not) and “Have a nice day!” (whether they care or not) isn’t there.

At home, I’m highly literate. I can speak, read, and write in English. I can communicate effectively in social and academic settings, wearing different selves in different spaces. But here, I’m illiterate in so many ways: I can’t read the script, I can’t read body language, I can’t read the urban geography.

When I stumble on these illiteracies, I do it from a position of privilege. I can go online and ask for help, knowing that there’s a vast store of information in English. India’s colonial history means that many people speak English, and most signs are in English. I have the material resources to bypass difficulties: I can go to a restaurant that caters for foreigners, or hire an auto if buses are too complicated.

I can’t even imagine how difficult it must be trying to navigate these illiteracies from a marginalised position. To be a new immigrant in Perth, for example, who doesn’t speak English and doesn’t have a privileged economic position. Moving around the city, making friends, even everyday tasks like buying food, must be so very hard, so very tiring. And if you’re not literate in a language that’s well-represented online, you can’t just ask for help on Twitter or look up a guide on Wikipedia.

The group I’m working with here, Janastu, is starting some interesting projects related to Web accessibility for people who don’t read English. I’m also getting a chance to find out about other interesting projects to connect people online – today I had a look at the CGNet Swara blog, which lets people from the Central Gondwana region of India make blog posts by phone. I’m really curious to see how these projects work, and the ways in which they might transform some of the illiteracies that affect access to the Web.

And, while I’m doing it, I can work on becoming literate in new ways myself.

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